WASHINGTON — The Federal Reserve is waiting for more information about the Trump administration’s economic plans, just like everyone else.
John Mearsheimer, a noted political scientist at the University of Chicago, has long believed that China’s rise will not be peaceful.
Enjoy the guacamole as you watch the Super Bowl on Feb. 5. Some of the ingredients might be a little more expensive next year.
Even if President Trump’s industrial-policy-by-Twitter-post fails over the long run to create jobs or prevent companies from moving offshore, there’s a good chance that it will appear, at first, to be a success.
The White House floated an idea on Thursday afternoon that, in initial reports, sounded like a major tariff on Mexican imports — something that would have gone a long way toward unwinding one of the United States’ deepest economic relationships.
It was a deal that created a deeply intertwined economy stretching from the Arctic to Central America and a generation of mostly warm relations between the United States and its two neighbors.
Factories play a central role in President Trump’s parade of American horrors. In his telling, globalization has left our factories “shuttered,” “rusted-out” and “scattered like tombstones across the landscape of our nation.
How could Mexico inflict the most damage on the United States? In normal times this question would not be top of mind for Mexican policy makers.
American life spans are rising, and as they are, health care spending is, too. But longevity is not contributing to the spending increase as much as you might think. The median age in the United States will rise to about 40 by 2040, up from 37.7 today.
Bitter divisions about the proper role of government in the United States have always been with us. Within broad limits, our Constitution’s response to this reality has been to empower states to adopt policies tailored to their own constituents’ beliefs and values.